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Readers of my Talking
Point columns have been very generous in
their remarks. Many write that they have
been reading me for years and, although we
have never met, consider me a friend and
patriot. This is a charitable compliment,
and I much appreciate it.
Like many of you, I am
concerned about the serious problems facing
Somalia. Hence, I took up the routine to
address them, even after General Barre took
over the reign of the country in a military
coup in October 1969. It has been said:
"If you keep going to hell you will
eventually get there." I was convinced
that we were well on our way to that
destination from day one, and judging by the
emails that arrive in my inbox, it is a
philosophy that many of the readers share.
However, Somalia's current
turmoil and anarchy is not the fault of the
clan gunmen and their godfathers. It dates
back during the Italian colonialists who
were made up of fools whose main interests
was to use slave labours to grow bananas and
grapefruit for the Italian market. And, the
first thing they did was to build the
biggest Roman Catholic cathedral in Africa
in the 1920s, again using slave labours,
instead of opening public schools and
colleges, and it gives me particular
pleasure to take a poke here at them.
The achievements record
during Italian Trusteeship in Somalia in the
1950s was virtually blank, and there was
nothing to be conceited. Crucial
institutions, such as medical or engineering
schools did not exist during their
administration-1950-1960. Roads became
impassable during the rainy season and
motorists were forced to drive across farms
and bushes, avoiding the flooded roads. Old
bridges and canals were falling to pieces
for lack of spare parts, and whenever the
rivers broke their banks, the riverine
people were force to evacuate.
Admittedly, Italy has been
recovering from the ravages of World War II
and depended on the American Marshall Plan,
but unlike the Germans, who took advantage
of the Plan and rebuilt their devastated
country, the Italians on the other hand were
beleaguered by successive corrupt regimes
which they did not recover to this day. The
slogan Mani Pulito (clean hands) adopted by
some potential candidates in order to win
votes failed to materialize in Italy of
yesterday and today. Wide scale corruption
and lottizzazione (sharing out of the
spoils) became the order of the day.
Recently I came across an
article by a colleague of mine about the
Italian contingent in Somalia during
Operation Restore Hope spearheaded by the
United States. I am reprinting this article
with permission from my colleague, Gerard
Prunier. The reader is the judge, the jury,
the witness and the persecutor.
OPERATION RESTORE
HOPE
JUMPING ON THE BANDWAGON
By Gerard Prunier
Dispatch from Mogadishu
"…The Italians had jumped on the
intervention bandwagon from the very
beginning. Their troops were assembled and
ready to go as early as December 11. Here
also was the reason of domestic political
concern. As a former colonial master of
Somalia Italiano (1885-1941) and then UN-
mandated ruler of the same territory
(1946-1960), Italy had had a special
relationship with the country where
intervention was taking place. But, the main
point was that Italy had not stopped dealing
with Somalia when it officially left in
1960. Quite contrary, it had become involved
not only with the democratic regime
(1960-1969) even more with the Siyad Barre
dictatorship after 1969. And the involvement
had not been a benign nature. Italy had
delivered weapons to the dictator, its
important economic aid had been a source of
patronage to political friends both in Rome
and in Mogadishu, the Mafia and the
notorious P2 network had been involved, and
manipulation of aid money had been used for
financing the Italian Socialist Party, and
for enriching some of its members. Former
Prime Minister Bettino Craxi and his
brother-in-law Paolo Pilletieri, the deputy
mayor of Milan, had taken part in the
dubious transactions, all of which made
Somalia a major (and still contemporary)
skeleton in the Italian cupboard.
The operation got off to a
very bad start when U.S. presidential envoy,
Robert Oakley declared on December 9 that it
might be better if the Italians waited a
little bit before coming "because they
had left a pretty bad image." Thus,
from the very beginning, Italy-a country
that had been smarting from real or supposed
humiliation since 1918 because of a feeling
that, although a major power, it was not
being taken seriously by the other members
of the great powers club-started its
participation in Operation Restore Hope with
a chip on its shoulder.
This feeling was going to
persist throughout and cause major problems
of political and military
coordination-Gerard Prunier in Mogadishu,
1993.
PASSAGES
FROM MY BOOK
THE SOMALI TRAGEDY, THE GANG RAPE OF A
NATION
The dispute between the
Italian contingent and the UNOSOM/USA was
brought to the open by the Italians, who
felt they were being sidelined in Somalia,
their former colony. The then UN
Under-Secretary, now Secretary General Kofi
Annan, at a news briefing, to explain UN
operations in Somalia, said Italy's
commander, Bruno Loi would be sent home and
his 2,400 men transferred out of Mogadishu
for taking orders from Rome rather than the
UN Command in Mogadishu.
In Rome, Defense Minister,
Fabbio Fabri, reacted angrily, saying:
"General Loi has carried out the
instructions from the Italian government. He
has never acted on his own alone," That
remark went to the core of the dispute that
the Italian contingent took orders from
Rome, which Mr. Annan said was
"unacceptable." He denied charges
that the United States controlled the
operation in Somalia, regardless of UN
structures.
Senior American officials said that there
had been difficulties with the Italians
awhile. "They have different agenda.
This is not standard operating
procedures," the American officials
said.
Other UN officials said
Italian troops attempted to begin their own
negotiations with General Mohamed Farah
Aideed outside of the UN Command.
In another part of the
city, seven Nigerian and three Pakistani UN
soldiers were killed. The Nigerians were
killed as they tried to take control of the
checkpoint from the Italians who were
withdrawing from Mogadishu amid a row with
Washington over air strikes against Aideed's
stronghold in the South of the city. Local
residents said the Italians paid the militia
and elders protection money, while the
Nigerians failed to do so.
The Italians denied the
accusation they paid Somali gunmen not to
attack them. US helicopter gunships used
missiles to destroy Aideed's stronghold,
demolishing a number of buildings and
killing a dozens of Habar-gedir elders who
were meeting to discuss relationship with
the United Nations and the Americans, and
how to end the impasse. But, as in previous
attempts, Aideed who was at the meeting,
eluded the US Army Rangers by seconds
without warning the elders.
Reports persisted that the
Italians were tipping off the fugitive
general about impending attacks on his
stronghold, Newsweek magazine in its
international edition reported that the
Italian troops had helped General Aideed to
evade capture. A US-run surveillance network
had "more than often" intercepted
members of the Italian contingent in Somalia
warning the fugitive general about
operations against his stronghold, the
magazine said in its dispatch from
Mogadishu.
The story of Italy's involvement in
Somalia's affairs does not end there, even
after leaving the country in a bad shape in
1960, and in the words of Robert Oakley,
former US ambassador in Mogadishu "in a
pretty bad image."
THE ITALIANS ARE BACK AGAIN, 2005!
Juggling with Somali politics
Italy's envoy to Somalia,
Paolo Rafaelli had admitted that the Italian
government had sided with the Jowhar-based
Transitional Federal Government, and said at
a meeting with Mogadishu-based faction
leaders and attended by European Union
delegates, that his government will
henceforth adopt neutral stand in Somali
politics. He was reacting to accusations
that the Italian government was supporting
the Jowhar-based wing of the Transitional
Federal Government led by President
Abdullahi Yusuf against the Mogadishu-based
wing led by Sheriff Hassan, the Speaker of
Parliament.
Paradoxically, the Italian
government, in an earlier statement bitterly
denied allegations by some members of the
Transitional Federal Government of Somalia
based in Mogadishu, and it termed as
"baseless and unfounded." The
report from the Italian Foreign Affairs
Ministry said: "The grant sent by the
Italian government to the federal government
of Somalia is meant for the Somali people
and not for an individual." Now their
envoy retracts his own government's earlier
statement of denial.
The Mogadishu wing dubbed as Group 101 have
arranged for demonstration on July 4th in
protest against the Italian government, but
was promptly cancelled without explanations.
Obviously, the question of
the grant to one side only is the core
issue. Members of Group 101 say: "If
the Italian government is honest broker it
should have given similar grant to us as
well," but that was not to be. One of
the civic leaders in Mogadishu told me over
the telephone the other day that it is not
about the money; it is about the
preferential treatment deliberately played
by the Italians.
It is no wonder Italy is
involved in the complex Somali politics
again to make matters for worse to worst.
It is back to square one!
By M.M. Afrah©2005
Email: afrah95@hotmail.com
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